It is impatient of the utter confusion that results from local legislatures attempting to treat national issues as local issues. Also, friends, in the interest of the working man himself, we need to set our faces like flint against mob-violence just as against corporate greed; against violence and injustice and lawlessness by wage-workers just as much as against lawless cunning and greed and selfish arrogance of employers. The citizens of the United States must effectively control the mighty commercial forces which they have called into being. The object of government is the welfare of the people. Just in proportion as the average man and woman are honest, capable of sound judgment and high ideals, active in public affairs, — but, first of all, sound in their home, and the father and mother of healthy children whom they bring up well, — just so far, and no farther, we may count our civilization a success. Over the multitude of little details, Major Remington, the ladies of the W. Both men understood the value of publicity.
This is the very tyranny that the Founding Fathers sought to minimize. Another regular journal, Charles F. In doing so, Americans can then demand of corporations a level of public disclosure of their activities that we would hesitate to demand of real persons. I speak to you here in Kansas exactly as I would speak in New York or Georgia, for the most vital problems are those which affect us all alike. If human beings have natural rights but their nature remains flawed, then a strong but limited government makes sense. As for the veterans of the Grand Army of the Republic, they deserve honor and recognition such as is paid to no other citizens of the republic; for to them the republic owes it all; for to them it owes its very existence. This caused a heated argument between Pinchot and Taft with Pinchot getting fired by the President.
Again, comrades over there, take the lesson from your own experience. No man should receive a dollar unless that dollar has been fairly earned. I believe the same thing of a nation. I will be analyzing the first 16 paragraphs of the New Nationalism address. As fast as its recommendations are made, I believe in revising one schedule at a time. For every special interest is entitled to justice, but not one is entitled to a vote in Congress, to a voice on the bench, or to representation in any public office.
Yet, the Roosevelt-Wilson contrast was not as dramatic as it appeared, then or now. The people of the United States suffer from periodical financial panics to a degree substantially unknown among the other nations which approach us in financial strength. I care for the great deeds of the past chiefly as spurs to drive us onward in the present. Now, this means that our government, National and State, must be freed from the sinister influence or control of special interests. Let me add that the health and vitality of our people are at least as well worth conserving as their forests, waters, lands, and minerals, and in this great work the national government must bear a most important part.
Corporate expenditures for political purposes, and especially such expenditures by public service corporations, have supplied one of the principal sources of corruption in our political affairs. Moreover, I believe that the natural resources must be used for the benefit of all our people, and not monopolized for the benefit of the few, and here again is another case in which I am accused of taking a revolutionary attitude. I believe that every national officer, elected or appointed, should be forbidden to perform any service or receive any compensation, directly or indirectly, from interstate corporations; and a similar provision could not fail to be useful within the States. Help any man who stumbles; if he lies down, it is a poor job to try to carry him; but if he is a worthy man, try your best to see that he gets a chance to show the worth that is in him. It is worse in the field of politics. Chicago Daily Tribune, September 1, 1910.
Gwinn, Uncle Joe Cannon U. Now, with the water-power, with the forests, with the mines, we are brought face to face with the fact that there are many people who will go with us in conserving the resources only if they are to be allowed to exploit them for their benefit. I stand for the square deal. Now, let the working man hear his side. Two of the most politically potent bodies which enlisted White's aid were the Kansas Editorial Association and the Kansas Traveling Men's Association.
Yet both men and both doctrines reflected a growing commitment in the early twentieth century to face the challenges of bigness, of modern corporate power, of the dislocations wrought by industrial capitalism. I recognize the right and duty of this generation to develop and use the natural resources of our land; but I do not recognize the right to waste them, or to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come after us. Combinations in industry are the result of an imperative economic law which cannot be repealed by political legislation. I recognize the right and duty of this generation to develop and use the natural resources of our land; but I do not recognize the right to waste them, or to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come after us. Bristow believed the same thing. And I have equally small use for the man, be he a judge on the bench or editor of a great paper, or wealthy and influential private citizen, who can see clearly enough and denounce the lawlessness of mob-violence, but whose eyes are closed so that he is blind when the question is one of corruption of business on a gigantic scale. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration.
I do not wish to see the nation forced into the ownership of the railways if it can be possibly avoided, and the only alternative is thoroughgoing and effective regulation, which shall be based on a full knowledge of all the facts, including a physical valuation of property Combinations in industry are the result of an imperative economic law which cannot be repealed by political legislation. Through the multiple addresses presented in this book during his journey across the country, President Roosevelt explains his philosophies of New Nationalism. Property is the fruit of labor; … property is desirable; is a positive good in the world. If the reactionary man, who thinks of nothing but the rights of property, could have his way, he would bring about a revolution; and one of my chief fears in connection with progress comes because I do not want to see our people, for lack of proper leadership, compelled to follow men whose intentions are excellent, but whose eyes are a little too wild to make it really safe to trust them. But when I say that I am for the square deal, I mean not merely that I stand for fair play under the present rules of the game, but that I stand for having those rules changed so as to work for a more substantial equality of opportunity and of reward for equally good service.